disarmament to the other powers, then general pacific assurances
and adjurations are not enough. With Germany there is no need for
such assurances or adjurations, in view of her constant policy
throughout forty years, which shows that we seek no quarrels in the
world. I should have to submit a fixed, definite programme. Then I
should have to consider in all sobriety whether such a programme
could be drawn up and carried out. Any one who makes uncertain and
vague proposals can easily become a disturber of the peace rather
than a peacemaker.

I shall have to decline to draw up such a formula and submit it to
an international congress.

England's Naval Police.

England is convinced, and has repeatedly declared, in spite of her
desires for the limitation of expenditure on armaments and for the
adjustment of any disputes that may arise by arbitral procedure,
that her fleet must in all circumstances be superior, or at any
rate equal, to any possible combination in the world. England has a
perfect right to strive for such a state of things, and, precisely
because of the position that I take up toward the disarmament
question, I am the last to cast doubts upon it. It is quite another
thing, however, to make such a claim the basis of a convention
which must be recognized by all the other powers in peaceful
agreement. What if counterclaims are raised and the other powers
are not satisfied with the rôles assigned to them?

One only requires to propound these questions in order to see
things would not go well for European dignity at any world congress