preferences, there was a crisis at hand, "sharper than any two-edged
sword, piercing even to the dividing asunder of soul and spirit,
and of the joints and marrow."

The Eastern Question of 1876 had rent the Liberal party once; the
Irish Question of 1886 had rent it again; and now for the third
time it was rent by the South African Question. Holding that the
South African War was a wanton crime against freedom and humanity,
I wished that my leader could declare himself unequivocally against
it, but he felt bound to consider the interests of the Liberal party
as a whole rather than those of any particular section which he
might personally favour. As the campaign advanced, and the motives
with which it had been engineered became more evident, his lead
became clearer and more decisive. What we read about Concentration
Camps and burnt villages and Chinese labour provoked his emphatic
protest against "methods of barbarism," and those Liberals who
enjoyed the war and called themselves "Imperialists" openly revolted
against his leadership. He bore all attacks and slights and
impertinences with a tranquillity which nothing could disturb, but,
though he said very little, he saw very clearly. He knew exactly
the source and centre of the intrigues against his leadership,
and he knew also that those intrigues were directed to the end of
making Lord Rosebery again Prime Minister. The controversy about
Tariff Reform distracted general attention from these domestic
cabals, but they were in full operation when Mr. Balfour suddenly
resigned, and King Edward sent for Campbell-Bannerman. Then came
a critical moment.

If Mr. Balfour had dissolved, the Liberal leader would have come
back at the head of a great majority, and could have formed his