should proscribe them, and for the most evident reason--that a man's
past services are no sufficient security for his future character; he
who to-day merits the civic wreath may to-morrow deserve the Tarpeian
rock. Besides, where respect is not perverted, where the world is not
taught to reverence men without regarding their conduct, the esteem of
mankind will have a very different value, and, when a proper
independence is secured, will be regarded as a sufficient recompense for
services however important, and will be a much surer guarantee of the
continuance of such virtues as may deserve it.

I have another strong objection to nobility, which is that it has a
necessary tendency to dishonour labour, a prejudice which extends far
beyond its own circle; that it binds down whole ranks of men to
idleness, while it gives the enjoyment of a reward which exceeds the
hopes of the most active exertions of human industry. The languid tedium
of this noble repose must be dissipated, and gaming, with the tricking
manoeuvres of the horse-race, afford occupation to hours which it would
be happy for mankind had they been totally unemployed.

Reflecting on the corruption of the public manners, does your Lordship
shudder at the prostitution which miserably deluges our streets? You may
find the cause in our aristocratical prejudices. Are you disgusted with
the hypocrisy and sycophancy of our intercourse in private life? You may
find the cause in the necessity of dissimulation which we have
established by regulations which oblige us to address as our superiors,
indeed as our masters, men whom we cannot but internally despise. Do you
lament that such large portions of mankind should stoop to occupations
unworthy the dignity of their nature? You may find in the pride and
luxury thought necessary to nobility how such servile arts are
encouraged. Besides, where the most honourable of the Land do not blush