A man who is a member of a community owes a duty to the community in
return for the benefit arising out of his membership, but his
duty--which he may call loyalty if he pleases--is proportionate to the
share which he possesses in the imposition of responsibilities upon
himself. The application of this to Ireland is obvious, and it explains
why in so many cases a man who has been a rebel in Ireland has
afterwards risen to the highest place in the self-governing communities
which are called British colonies. To put it in another way, a community
of intelligent men must be self-governing, or else it will be a
forcing-house for rebels. I don't see any third way.

As I have before suggested, the two questions that have always presented
themselves to me in connection with work for Ireland have been--first,
is it right? Second, is it practicable? In joining the I.R.B. I had no
doubt on either ground. As to the first, the misgovernment of Ireland,
of which I had seen the hideous fruits in the Famine years and
emigration, was ample justification. As to the second, there was every
likelihood of the success of the movement. It will be remembered that
during these years the great Civil War in America was going on, in which
many thousands of our fellow-countrymen, were engaged on both sides,
mostly, however, for the North. A great number of these had entered into
this service chiefly with the object of acquiring the military training
intended to be used in fighting on Irish soil for their country's
freedom. Such an opportunity seemed likely to arise, for during this
time the "Alabama Claims" and other matters brought America and England
to the verge of war. Had such a conflict arisen, one result of it, as
Mr. Gladstone and other British statesmen could not but have foreseen,
would probably be the severance of the connexion, once for all, between
Ireland and Great Britain.