it is embittered by ill success. If ever this nation, during his life,
enter into arrangements with us, it must be in consequence of events,
of which they do not at present see a possibility. The object of the
present ministry is to buoy up the nation with flattering calculations
of their present prosperity, and to make them believe they are better
without us than with us. This they seriously believe; for what is it
men cannot be made to believe? I dined the other day in a company of the
ministerial party. A General Clark, a Scotchman and ministerialist, sat
next to me. He introduced the subject of American affairs, and in
the course of the conversation told me, that were America to petition
parliament to be again received on their former footing, the petition
would be very generally rejected. He was serious in this, and I think
it was the sentiment of the company, and is the sentiment perhaps of the
nation. In this they are wise, but for a foolish reason. They think they
lost more by suffering us to participate of their commercial privileges,
at home and abroad, than they lose by our political severance. The true
reason, however, why such an application should be rejected, is, that in
a very short time we should oblige them to add another hundred millions
to their debt, in unsuccessful attempts to retain the subjection offered
to them. They are at present in a frenzy, and will not be recovered from
it, till they shall have leaped the precipice they are now so boldly
advancing to. Writing from England, I write you nothing but English
news. The continent, at present, furnishes nothing interesting. I shall
hope the favor of your letters, at times. The proceedings and views of
Congress and of the Assemblies, the opinions and dispositions of
our people in general, which, in governments like ours, must be the
foundation of measures, will always be interesting to me, as will
whatever respects your own health and happiness; being with great
esteem,