residue of interest. Would to heaven, all the States, therefore, would
settle a uniform plan. To open the courts to them, so that they might
obtain judgments; to divide the executions into so many equal annual
instalments, as that the last might be paid in the year 1790; to have
the payments in actual money; and to include the capital, and interest
preceding and subsequent to the war, would give satisfaction to the
world, and to the merchants in general. Since it is left for each nation
to pursue their own measures, in the execution of the late treaty, may
not Congress, with propriety, recommend a mode of executing that article
respecting the debts, and send it to each State to be passed into law?
Whether England gives up the posts or not, these debts must be paid,
or our character stained with infamy among all nations, and through all
time. As to the satisfaction for slaves carried off, it is a bagatelle,
which, if not made good before the last instalment becomes due, may be
secured out of that.

I formerly communicated the overtures for a treaty, which had been made
by the imperial ambassador. The instructions from Congress being
in their favor, and Mr. Adams's opinion also, I encouraged them. He
expected his full powers when I went to England. Yet I did not think,
nor did Mr. Adams, that this was of importance enough to weigh against
the objects of that journey. He received them soon after my departure,
and communicated it to me on my return, asking a copy of our
propositions. I gave him one, but observed, our commission had then but
a few days to run. He desired I should propose to Congress the giving
new powers to go on with this, and said, that, in the mean time, he
would arrange with us the plan. In a commercial view, no great good is
to be gained by this. But in a political one, it may be expedient. As
the treaty would, of course, be in the terms of those of Prussia and
Portugal, it will give us but little additional embarrassment, in any