living, though among the seniors of the Virginia bar, told me that once,
when he was young, Mr. Tazewell, who had not opened a law book for
years, explained to him the law respecting fine and recovery, and
springing uses, so fully and with such ability as filled him with
wonder; and that his discourse, could it have been transferred to paper,
would be an invaluable guide on that topic of the law. And many other
young men have the same story to tell of his generous teachings on
difficult questions. If all his personal attentions to the students of
law were forgotten, the four letters which he prepared with infinite
skill as a code of legal morals, and of the philosophical study of the
law, would attest his sympathy and affection for his youthful friends.

While young Tazewell was gradually making his way at the bar, practising
in James City, and in all the neighboring courts, he was called upon to
take his stand in politics at one of the most tempestuous epochs in our
annals. His father was one of that illustrious band of patriots,
consisting of Patrick Henry, George Mason, William Grayson, Richard
Henry Lee, Benjamin Harrison, John Tyler, and others, who believed that
the General Federal Convention, which had been summoned merely to amend
the Articles of Confederation, had exceeded their powers in framing an
entirely new instrument, the present federal constitution, and they
warmly opposed its ratification by Virginia. When the new system was
adopted, they watched its operations with a jealous eye, and opposed
some of the leading measures of the administration of Washington. When
it was foreseen that a new treaty would be negotiated with England, it
was determined by them that, unless that measure made those concessions
and amendments of the treaty of 1783, which Virginia had striven so hard
to obtain, it should be opposed at every hazard; and John Taylor of
Caroline, happening to resign his seat in the Senate just at that time
(1795), Henry Tazewell, then on the bench of the Court of Appeals, was