looks at the position of the employer, as that of a great capitalist,
would then be turned into hope and endeavour.

It is often said, that the operative classes shew an unfortunate
indisposition to advance onwards, and abandon their uniform routine of
toil: the answer to this is--try them. They have adopted the means at
their command in other countries. Mr Davis, an American gentleman,
gave the select committee an animated view of the ambitious workmen of
the New England states, where, he said, 'nobody is contented with his
present condition--everybody is struggling for something better.' Now,
to be discontented with one's condition, in the shape of folding the
arms, and abusing the fate that has not sent chance prosperity, is a
bad thing; but the discontent--if such it can be justly called--which
incites a man to rise in the world by honest exertions, is in every
way a good thing. Mr Davis said, he has been told that, in Lowell,
some of the young women hold stock in the mills in which they work.
Imagine a factory-girl holding stock in a mill!

We believe that unlimited responsibility was really founded on the old
prejudices against usury or interest; and as these prejudices are fast
disappearing, we may hope speedily to see this relic of their
operation removed. Towards this end, let the operatives everywhere
meet to consider this question, so important to their interests; and,
as we believe they will generally see the propriety of furthering a
law to establish commandite partnerships, let them petition the House
of Commons accordingly. Whether the classes with capital will move in
the matter, is doubtful; for they are not the parties to be chiefly
benefited. The best way is not to trust to them on the subject; but
for the working-classes to take the thing into their own hands, and
spare no exertion to procure an act of parliament of the kind we speak