fair opportunity, and they would prove their capacity. That it was
unjust, wicked, and cruel, the result of an unnatural prejudice, that
debarred them from places of respectability, and that public opinion
could and should be corrected upon this subject. That it was only
necessary to make a sacrifice of feeling, and an innovation on the
customs of society, to establish a different order of things,--that as
Anti-Slavery men, they were willing to make these sacrifices, and
determined to take the colored man by the hand, making common cause with
him in affliction, and bear a part of the odium heaped upon him. That
his cause was the cause of God--that "In as much as ye did it not unto
the least of these my little ones, ye did it not unto me," and that as
Anti-Slavery men, they would "do right if the heavens fell." Thus, was
the cause espoused, and thus did we expect much. But in all this, we
were doomed to disappointment, sad, sad disappointment. Instead of
realising what we had hoped for, we find ourselves occupying the very
same position in relation to our Anti-Slavery friends, as we do in
relation to the pro-slavery part of the community--a mere secondary,
underling position, in all our relations to them, and any thing more
than this, is not a matter of course affair--it comes not by established
anti-slavery custom or right, but like that which emanates from the
pro-slavery portion of the community by mere sufferance.

It is true, that the "Liberator" office, in Boston, has got Elijah
Smith, a colored youth, at the cases--the "Standard," in New York, a
young colored man, and the "Freeman," in Philadelphia, William Still,
another, in the publication office, as "packing clerk"; yet these are
but three out of the hosts that fill these offices in their various
departments, all occupying places that could have been, and as we once
thought, would have been, easily enough, occupied by colored men.
Indeed, we can have no other idea about anti-slavery in this country,