said Virginia and Pennsylvania couldn't approve of my policy--that it
was too slow; while New York dare not vote for me, and I was New
England's dread. A third said he didn't believe the middle West would
back me up, because a doubt existed as to whether other States
would. These sentiments I heard from down chimney. My solemn belief
is, that I have been sacrificed to a firm and honest belief in the
Monroe doctrine; which, singularly enough, had its origin in English
minds. My efforts to carry it into effect seemed not to form a
tangible objection; though a voice now and then said it might lead to
evil consequences, England and France having formed a very unnatural
alliance to put down the aggressive spirit of nations, without respect
to the side of the Atlantic on which they were domiciled. Then, by way
of a suspending clause, they said it was not so much my pugnacious
propensities they feared, as that, being an old _fogy_, full of
personal grievances against somebody, I would make the gratifying a
venerable spleen paramount to the interests of States (all this I
heard from down chimney). That I was not a bad man, nor an inflexible
man, they all agreed; but that my time was passed was their verdict,
and being passed, I would myself soon pass into political
oblivion--nothing being left but executive expectations and
ballet-boxes, with which I might build on high a monument! The trouble
is, friend Smooth, I am not possessed of the tact of making the nation
understand me; had I this all-necessary to political fame, the Chief
Magistracy had long since been mine. To me the free press of our
country is a sort of infernal machine,--its effect in my case
strengthens the idea. Having held me up as dangerous, when in truth I
am a peaceably disposed man, they have wronged me while misinforming
the public.' Here he paused, as his face assumed its wonted
seriousness, and that wart, now historical, looked brighter than
ever. I had long been desirous of scraping acquaintance with the old