should use its full powers of compulsion only in regard to the minimum,
and that so far as all other classes of wages are concerned, the State
should encourage collective bargaining. With this proviso, compulsory
enforcement of a minimum could also be extended to the workpeople
covered by Whitley Councils.

As regards all wages above the minimum the Cave Committee recommended
that, provided they are reached by agreement on the Board, and provided
that a sufficiently large proportion of the Board concur, the wage so
determined shall be enforced by civil process, whereas in the cases of
the minimum, the rates would be determined if necessary by arbitration
of the State-appointed members of the Board, and non-payment would be a
penal offence. The Trade Boards now cover three million workers. Two
million are in occupations for which Trade Boards are under
consideration, and there are a further two million under Industrial
Councils or Whitley Councils. If State powers are to be employed in
trades employing seven millions of the eighteen million wage-earners of
the country, the scope of those powers needs to be very carefully
defined.


THE CASE FOR PROFIT-SHARING

Many Liberals are, however, asking whether this is sufficient and
whether it is not possible for the State to intervene to alter the
distribution of the product of industry in favour of the wage-earner. In
particular, they are wondering whether it is possible to secure the
universal application of some system of profit-sharing. The underlying
principle of profit-sharing is indeed one which we must look to if the
whole-hearted assistance of labour is to be enlisted behind the