knowingly fix women's rates at a point at which they can undercut men.
Nor if women are properly represented on them will they fix their rates
at a point at which women will be discarded in favour of male workers.
In industries where both sexes are employed, if the women workers are of
equal value with the men in the eyes of the employer, they will receive
equal pay; if of less value, then, but only then, proportionately less
pay. It is because women have received not proportionately but quite
disproportionately less pay that they have been undercutting men, and
the Trade Boards are--very gradually, I admit--correcting this error.
For well-known historical reasons women have been at an economic
disadvantage, and their work has secured less than its worth as compared
with the work of men. The tendency of any impartial adjustment of wages
is to correct this disadvantage, because any such system will attempt to
secure equality of opportunity for employment for all the classes with
which it is dealing. But it is admitted that there is a "lag" in women's
wages which has been but partially made good.

If the standard wage must provide for a family, what must be the size of
the family? Discussion on the subject generally assumes a "statistical"
family of man and wife and three children under age. This is criticised
on the ground that it does not meet the human needs of larger families
and is in excess for smaller ones. The reply to this is that a general
rate can only meet general needs. Calculation easily shows that the
minimum suited for three children is by no means extravagant if there
should be but two children or only one, while it gives the bachelor or
newly married couple some small chance of getting a little beforehand
with the world. On the other hand, it is impossible to cater on general
principles for the larger needs of individuals. The standard wage gives
an approximation to what is needed for the ordinary family, and the
balance must be made good by other provision, whether public or private