Foreseeing that in time such union will be inevitable, what more natural
for the producing classes in revolt than to unite today in voting, if
not for other propositions, at least for direct legislation and home
rule? These forces combined in any state, it seems improbable that
certain political and economic measures now supported by farmer and
wage-worker alike could long fail to become law. Already, under the
principle that "rights should be equal to all and special privileges be
had by none," farmers' and wage-workers' parties are making the
following demands: That taxation be not used to build up one interest or
class at the expense of another; that the public revenues be no more
than necessary for government expenditures; that the agencies of
transportation and communication be operated at the lowest cost of
service; that no privileges in banking be permitted; that woman have the
vote wherever justice gives it to man; that no force of police,
marshals, or militiamen not commissioned by their home authorities be
permitted anywhere to be employed; that monopoly in every form be
abolished and the personal rights of every individual respected. These
demands are all in agreement with the spirit of freedom. Along the lines
they mark out, the future successes of the radical social reformers will
most probably come. But if, in response to a call nowadays frequently
heard, the many incipient parties should decide to unite on one or a few
things, is it not clear that in natural order the first reforms needed
are direct legislation and local self-government?

To a party logically following the principle of equal rights, the
progress in Switzerland under direct legislation would form an
invaluable guide. The Swiss methods of controlling the railroads and
banks of issue, and of operating the telegraph and telephone services,
deserve study and, to the extent that our institutions admit, imitation.
The organization of the Swiss State and its subdivisions is simple and