government, in society, and in trade. The civil service in some
instances became the monopoly of a limited number of families, who were
careful to perpetuate all their privileges. Even in the rural
democracies there was more or less of this family supremacy visible.
Sporadic attempts at reform were rigorously suppressed in the cities,
and government became more and more petrified into aristocracy. A study
of this period of Swiss history explains many of the provisions found in
the constitutions of today, which seem like over-precaution against
family influence. The effect of privilege was especially grievous, and
the fear of it survived when the modern constitutions were made."

Here, plainly, are the final explanations of any shortcomings in Swiss
liberty. In those parts of Switzerland where these shortcomings are
serious, modern ideas of equality in freedom have not yet gained
ascendency over the ages-honored institution of inequality. Progress is
evident, but the goal of possible freedom is yet distant. How, indeed,
could it be otherwise when in several cantons it was only in 1848, with
the Confederation, that manhood suffrage was established?

But how, it may be inquired, did the name of Swiss ever become the
synonym of liberty? This land whose soldiery hired out as mercenaries to
foreign princes, this League of oppressors, this hotbed of religious
conflicts and persecutions,--how came it to be regarded as the home of a
free people!

The truth is that the traditional reputation of the whole country is
based on the ancient character of a part. The Landsgemeinde cantons
alone bear the test of democratic principles. Within them, indeed, for a
thousand years the two primary essentials of democracy have prevailed.
They are: