about reforms go over to the powers that exploit the masses. They have
seen in the course of time the tricks of partisan legislators almost
invariably win as against the wishes of the masses. They know that in
politics there is little study of the public needs, but merely a
practice of the ignoble arts of the professional politician. Here,
however, the proposed social reorganization depends, not on
representatives, but on the citizens themselves; and the means by which
the citizens may fully carry out their purposes have been developed. A
fact, too, of prime importance: Where heretofore in many localities the
people have temporarily overthrown politician and plutocrat, only to be
themselves defeated in the end, every point gained by the masses in
direct legislation may be held permanently.

Further: Repeatedly, of late years, new parties have risen to demand
justice in government and improvement in the economic situation. One
such movement defeated but makes way for another. Proof, this, that the
spirit of true reform is virile and the heart of the nation pure. The
progress made, in numbers and organization, before the seeds of decay
were sown in the United Labor party, the Union Labor party, the
Greenback-Labor party, the People's party of 1884, and various
third-party movements, testify to the readiness of earnest thousands to
respond, even on the slightest promise of victory, to the call for
radical reform. That in such movements the masses are incorruptible is
shown in the fact that in every instance one of the chief causes of
failure has been doubt in the integrity of leaders given to machine
methods. But in direct legislation, machine leaders profit nothing for
themselves, hold no reins of party, can sell no votes, and can command
no rewards for workers.

Again: The vast organizations of the Knights of Labor and the