they will be encouraged and aided in the establishment of their
freedom. Suppose Cuba were to issue letters of marque against our
commerce, and, according to the Charleston Mercury, seize 'upon the
rich prizes which may be coming from foreign lands,' does any sane
man doubt that we should at once invade that island, and liberate her
slaves? Or does any statesman or jurist question our right so to do?
And why, then, should we hesitate to pursue a similar course in
respect to the so-called Southern Confederacy?

"Spain, as a well-established nation, and recognized as such by all
the powers of the world, would have the right, according to the laws
of nations, to adopt such a course of proceeding; but she would do
it at her peril, and well weighing the consequences. But the rebel
government of the slave States possesses no such right. The act would
be no more or less than piracy; and we should not only hang at the
yard-arm all persons caught in the practice, but we should be
compelled, in self-defence, to carry the war into Africa, and deal
with the slaves of the Confederacy precisely as we should, under
similar circumstances, deal with those of Cuba.

"'The richly laden ships of the North,' says the Mobile Advertiser,
'swarm on every sea, and are absolutely unprotected. The harvest is
ripe.' We admit it; but gather it if you dare. Venture upon the
capture of the poorest of those richly laden ships,' and, from that
moment, your slaves become freemen, doing battle in Freedom's cause.
'Hundreds and hundreds of millions of the property of the enemy
invite us to spoil him--to spoil these Egyptians,' says the same
paper. True, but you dare not venture upon the experiment; or, if you
should be so rash as to make the experiment, your fourteen hundred
millions of slave property will cease to exist, and you will find