necessity for defense but the justice and the righteousness of aggressive
warfare. The Emperor and his court hailed these teachings with great
acclaim. Chamberlain, an Englishman, printed a book to show that all
good things were German; that the great Italian art-workers were German;
that Christ himself was of German origin.

The teachings of Christ were repudiated by Germany, but His greatness in
world leadership must be claimed for Germany. Had not all the poets
given Him the German countenance and complexion, even light hair and blue
eyes? The German Emperor bought presentation copies of this book by the
thousand.

If you think the picture is over-drawn, get a copy of Chamberlain's
"Foundations of the Nineteenth-Century Civilization."

There are those who acclaim that all these teachings were never meant for
war; that the Germans, outside of Prussia, being a phlegmatic,
home-loving, non-military people, needed to have their patriotism
stimulated with "war talk" and national ambitions.

Now there are those who see that it was all part of a cunning propaganda
for a world-conquest; that Germany was cultivated industrially and
financially to give base for military operations.

But most carefully have the business men of Germany been excluded from
the war councils. I asked one of the best-informed men in the diplomatic
cycles of Europe, whose business all his life has been to travel from
country to country studying the languages, thought, and customs of all
people, west of Asia and north of Africa: "Are the German bankers and
business men to have no say in Berlin as to peace and war or the military