their _political subjection_ as absolute as was that of the African
slaves? If that charge has any basis to rest upon, the learned Chief
Justice was wrong. The sovereigns of this country, according to the
theory of this prosecution, are not sovereigns without subjects. Though
two or three millions of their subjects have lately ceased to be such,
and have become freemen, they still hold twenty millions of subjects in
absolute _political_ bondage.

If it be said that my language is stronger than the facts warrant, I
appeal _to the record in this case_ for its justification.

As deductions from what has been said, I respectfully insist, 1st. That
upon the principles upon which our government is based, the privilege of
the elective franchise cannot justly be denied to women. 2d. That women
need it for their protection. 3d. That the welfare of both sexes will be
promoted by granting it to them.

Having occupied much more time than I intended in showing the justice
and propriety of the claim made by my client to the privileges of a
voter, I proceed to the consideration of the present state of the law on
that subject:

It would not become me, however clear my own convictions may be on the
subject, to assert the right of women, under our constitution and laws
as they now are, to vote at presidential and congressional elections, is
free from doubt, because very able men have expressed contrary opinions
on that question, and, so far as I am informed, there has been no
authoritative adjudication upon it; or, at all events, none upon which
the public mind has been content to rest as conclusive. I proceed,
therefore, to offer such suggestions as occur to me, and to refer to