the right to those who would vote?

I believe, however, that the public mind is greatly in error in regard
to the proportion of female citizens who would vote if their right to do
so were recognized. In England there has been to some extent a test of
that question, with the following result, as given in the newspapers,
the correctness of which, in this respect, I think there is no reason to
doubt:

"Woman suffrage is, to a certain extent, established in England, with
the result as detailed in the London _Examiner_, that in 66 municipal
elections, out of every 1,000 women who enjoy equal rights with men on
the register, 516 went to the poll, which is but 48 less than the
proportionate number of men. And out of 27,949 women registered, where a
contest occurred, 14,416 voted. Of men there were 166,781 on the
register, and 90,080 at the poll. The _Examiner_ thereupon draws this
conclusion: 'Making allowance for the reluctance of old spinsters to
change their habits, and the more frequent illness of the sex, it is
manifest that women, if they had opportunity, would exercise the
franchise as freely as men. There is an end, therefore, of the argument
that women would not vote if they had the power.'"

Our law books furnish, perhaps, more satisfactory evidence of the
earnestness with which women in England are claiming the right to vote,
under the reform act of 1867, aided by Lord Brougham's act of 1850.

The case of _Chorlton_, appellant, _vs. Lings_, respondent, came before
the Court of Common Pleas in England in 1869. It was an appeal from the
decision of the revising barrister, for the borough of Manchester, to
the effect "that Mary Abbott, being a woman, was not entitled to be