doubt whether any more strange than this,) the Commons of Great Britain
would shed their best blood sooner than suffer that a tribunal at
Lucknow should decide upon any of your titles, for the purpose of
justifying a robber that has taken your property. We should do the best
we could, if such a strange circumstance occurred.

The House of Commons, who are virtually the representatives of Lucknow,
and who lately took 500,000_l._ of their money, will not suffer the
natives first to be robbed of their property, and then the titles, which
by the laws of their own country they have to the goods they possess, to
be tried by any tribunal in Great Britain. Why was it not tried in India
before Mr. Hastings? One would suppose that an English governor, if
called to decide upon such a claim of the Nabob's, would doubtless be
attended by judges, muftis, lawyers, and all the apparatus of legal
justice. No such thing. This man marches into the country, not with
moulavies, not with muftis, not with the solemn apparatus of Oriental
justice,--no: he goes with colonels, and captains, and majors,--these
are his lawyers: and when he gets there, he demands from the parties,
not their title,--no: "Give me your money!" is his cry. It is a shame
(and I will venture to say, that these gentlemen, upon recollection,
will feel ashamed) to see the bar justify what the sword is ashamed of.
In reading this correspondence, I have found these great muftis and
lawyers, these great chief-justices, attorneys-general, and
solicitors-general, called colonels and captains, ashamed of these
proceedings, and endeavoring to mitigate their cruelty; yet we see
British lawyers in a British tribunal supporting and justifying these
acts, on the plea of defective titles.

The learned counsel asks, with an air of triumph, whether these ladies
possessed these treasures by jointure, dower, will, or settlement. What