relation with the enemy for an indefinite period; to conserve for
themselves, "before all others," their natural resources during the
period of reconstruction; to make themselves independent of enemy
countries in the raw materials and manufactured products essential to
their economic well-being; and to facilitate this exchange by
preferential trade among themselves, and by special and state subsidies
to shipping, railroads and telegraphs. Another important decree
prohibits the enemy from engaging in certain industries and professions,
such as dyestuffs, in allied countries when these industries relate to
national defence or economic independence.

In short, self-sufficiency became the aim of the whole allied group, to
be achieved without the aid or consent of any other nation or group of
nations, be they friends or foes.

Here, then, is the strategy that will rule after the war. A huge allied
monopoly is projected--a sort of monster militant trust, with cabinets
of ministers for directorates, armies and navies as trade scouts, and
whole roused citizenships for salesmen.

Throughout this new Bill of World Trade Rights there is scant mention of
neutrals--no reference at all to the greatest of non-belligerent
nations. Yet the document is packed with interest, fraught even with
highest concern, for us. Upon the ability to be translated into
offensive and defensive reality will depend a large part of our future
international commercial relations.

Is the Paris Pact practical? Will it withstand the logical pressure of
business demand and supply when the war is ended? How will it affect
American trade?