avowedly have been used for the breaking of the great rule to which
they have committed themselves?

It is a dangerous thing in this controversy, with the ugly rush of
vested interests always lying in the wake of the Protectionist
movement to be considered, to make even verbal concessions. Some time
ago I made a speech in which I said that there was no objection to the
extension of inter-colonial preference. By this I meant the reduction
of duties between Colonies which have already a discriminating tariff;
and it seemed to me in such a case that there is a net reduction of
duty to the good. I do not see any objection to that, because under
the most-favoured-nation principle we gain any advantage which is
gained by either party to the transaction. In any case, the sums
involved in inter-colonial preference at the present time are
extremely small, and, however that might be, the matter is one which
is wholly outside our control, because we have no authority over the
Colonies in this respect, and we may just as well look pleasant about
it and accord a sympathetic attitude to such a process.

Yes; but let those who reproach us with pedantry and with not showing
a sympathetic desire to meet the Colonies listen to this: When such a
statement is made by a Minister, is it accepted as a desire on the
part of the Government to extend sympathetic treatment to the
Colonies? Not at all. It is taken as an admission, and used for the
purpose of trying to pretend that the Government have abandoned the
principle of their opposition to the larger question of Imperial
preference. If, although we think them unsatisfactory, we were, out of
complaisance, to accord the small preferences suggested upon dutiable
articles, we should be told in a minute that we had given up every
logical foothold against preference, and that nothing prevented us