of all nations, and the most-favoured-nation treatment from those
nations in return.

Important as are the economical arguments against a preferential
policy, they are in my opinion less grave than the political
disadvantages. On other occasions I have addressed the House on the
grave danger and detriment to the working of our Colonial system which
must follow the intermingling of the affairs of the British Empire in
the party politics and financial politics of this country. To
establish a preferential system with the Colonies involving
differential duties upon food is to make the bond of Imperial unity
dependent year after year upon the weather and the crops.

And there is even a more unstable foundation for Imperial unity. Does
it never occur to right hon. gentlemen opposite that this solution
which they offer of the problem of Imperial unity places the Empire
not on a national, but on a purely party basis, and upon a basis
repudiated by at least half the nation? Some day it may be that they
will return triumphant from a general election. As party politicians
they may rejoice, yet I think a wise statesman would try to win for
the British Empire, our Colonial relations, the same sort of position,
high above the struggle of Parties, which is now so happily occupied
by the Crown and the Courts of Justice, which in less degree, though
in an increasing degree, is coming to be occupied by the fighting
Services. Whatever advantages from a Party point of view, or from the
point of view of gratifying Colonial opinion, may be gained by food
preferences, they would be very small compared with the enormous boon
of keeping the field of Colonial politics separate from the social and
economic issues on which Parties in this country are so fiercely
divided.