antisocial behavior. Another common assumption is that local
communities and organizations are rendered ineffective to handle the
many problems, leading to further disorganization, loss of morale, and
requiring the quick assertion of "strong" outside leadership and
control.

Practical experience and field studies of disasters indicate that
these assumptions are not necessarily correct. The widespread sharing
of danger, loss, and deprivation produces an intimate cooperativeness
among the survivors, which overcomes social isolation and provides a
channel for very close communication and expression and a major source
of physical and emotional support and reassurance. This capacity seems
to account for the resiliency of personality and social organization
in dealing with threat and danger. It is also at the base of the
ability of social life to regenerate.

In addition, a good case can be made in that community systems
experiencing impact may be more efficient and rational than they are
in "normal" circumstances. Normal (pre-disaster) community life
traditionally operates at a low level of effectiveness and efficiency.
Activities are directed toward a very diffuse set of goals, just as
human resources within the community are inadequately utilized. Upon
disaster impact, certain community goals--care for victims and the
restoration of essential services--develop a high priority while
others are ignored or held in abeyance. Thus, the entire range of
community resources, even taking into account "losses," can be
allocated to the accomplishment of the more critical goals. Also,
human resources are better utilized. Many women, older persons,
younger persons, and members of minorities now become "productive;"
the "labor" market after impact is open to those underutilized