nothing can carry the air of greater presumption than a servant
intruding his opinion unasked upon his master, but at the same time
there are certain seasons when the real danger of the master may not
only excuse, but render laudable, the servant's officiousness. I
therefore flatter myself that the congress will receive with
indulgence and lenity the opinion I shall offer. The scheme of simply
disarming the tories seems to me totally ineffectual; it will only
embitter their minds and add virus to their venom. They can, and will,
always be supplied with fresh arms by the enemy. That of seizing the
most dangerous will, I apprehend, from the vagueness of the
instruction, be attended with some bad consequences, and can answer no
good one. It opens so wide a door for partiality and prejudice to the
different congresses and committees on the continent, that much
discord and animosity will probably ensue; it being next to impossible
to distinguish who are, and who are not the most dangerous. The plan
of explaining to these deluded people the justice and merits of the
American cause is certainly generous and humane, but I am afraid, will
be fruitless. They are so riveted in their opinions, that I am
persuaded should an angel descend from heaven with his golden trumpet,
and ring in their ears that their conduct was criminal, he would be
disregarded. I had lately myself an instance of their infatuation
which, if it is not impertinent, I will relate. At Newport I took the
liberty, without any authority but the conviction of necessity, to
administer a very strong oath to some of the leading tories, for which
liberty I humbly ask pardon of the congress. One article of this oath
was to take arms in defence of their country, if called upon by the
voice of the congress. To this Colonel Wanton and others flatly
refused their assent; to take arms against their sovereign, they said,
was too monstrous an impiety. I asked them if they had lived at the
time of the revolution whether they would have been