contempt rests upon the right of self-preservation; that is, in the
words of Chief Justice White, "the right to prevent acts which in and of
themselves inherently obstruct or prevent the discharge of legislative
duty or the refusal to do that which there is inherent legislative power
to compel in order that legislative functions may be performed."[109]
Whence it was argued, in Jurney _v._ MacCracken[110] that the Senate had
no power to punish a witness who, having been commanded to produce
papers, destroyed them after service of the subpoena, because the "power
to punish for contempt may never be exerted, in the case of a private
citizen, solely _qua_ punishment. * * * the power to punish ceases as
soon as the obstruction has been removed, or its removal has become
impossible; * * *" The Court confirmed the power to punish for a past
contempt as an appropriate means for vindicating "the established and
essential privilege of requiring the production of evidence."[111]


Criminal Prosecutions

Under the rule laid down by Anderson _v._ Dunn, imprisonment for
contempt of one of the Houses of Congress could not extend beyond the
adjournment of the body which ordered it.[112] This limitation seriously
impaired the efficacy of such sanction. Accordingly, in 1857 Congress
found it necessary to provide criminal penalties for recalcitrant
witnesses, in order to make its power to compel testimony more
effective. The Supreme Court held that the purpose of this statute was
merely to supplement the power of contempt by providing additional
punishment, and overruled all constitutional objections to it saying:
"We grant that Congress could not divest itself, or either of its
Houses, of the essential and inherent power to punish for contempt, in
cases to which the power of either House properly extended; but, because