two nationalities within those limits." "And do you think it
possible," I asked, "that you should receive back into your bosom
this people which you now hate with so deep a hatred, and receive
them again into your arms as brothers on equal terms? Is it in
accordance with experience that a conquered people should be so
treated, and that, too, a people whose every habit of life is at
variance with the habits of their presumed conquerors? When you
have flogged them into a return of fraternal affection, are they to
keep their slaves or are they to abolish them?" "No," said my
friend, "it may not be practicable to put those rebellious States
at once on an equality with ourselves. For a time they will
probably be treated as the Territories are now treated." (The
Territories are vast outlying districts belonging to the Union, but
not as yet endowed with State governments or a participation in the
United States Congress.) "For a time they must, perhaps, lose
their full privileges; but the Union will be anxious to readmit
them at the earliest possible period." "And as to the slaves?" I
asked again. "Let them emigrate to Liberia--back to their own
country." I could not say that I thought much of the solution of
the difficulty. It would, I suggested, overtask even the energy of
America to send out an emigration of four million souls, to provide
for their wants in a new and uncultivated country, and to provide,
after that, for the terrible gap made in the labor market of the
Southern States. "The Israelites went back from bondage," said my
friend. But a way was opened for them by a miracle across the sea,
and food was sent to them from heaven, and they had among them a
Moses for a leader, and a Joshua to fight their battles. I could
not but express my fear that the days of such immigrations were
over. This plan of sending back the negroes to Africa did not
reach me only from one or from two mouths, and it was suggested by