at war to allow the smaller fry of nations to enjoy peace and quiet,
and to avoid, if possible, the general scuffle. Thence arose the
position of a neutral. But it was clearly not fair that any such
nation, having proclaimed its neutrality, should, after that, fetch
and carry for either of the combatants to the prejudice of the
other. Hence came the right of search, in order that unjust
falsehood might be prevented. But the seas were not then bridged
with ships as they are now bridged, and the laws as written were,
perhaps, then practical and capable of execution. Now they are
impracticable and not capable of execution. It will not, however,
do for us to ignore them if they exist; and therefore they should be
changed. It is, I think, manifest that our own pretensions as to
the right of search must be modified after this. And now I trust I
may finish my book without again naming Messrs. Slidell and Mason.

The working of the Senate bears little or no analogy to that of our
House of Lords. In the first place, the Senator's tenure there is
not hereditary, nor is it for life. They are elected, and sit for
six years. Their election is not made by the people of their
States, but by the State legislature. The two Houses, for instance,
of the State of Massachusetts meet together and elect by their joint
vote to the vacant seat for their State. It is so arranged that an
entirely new Senate is not elected every sixth year. Instead of
this a third of the number is elected every second year. It is a
common thing for Senators to be re-elected, and thus to remain in
the house for twelve and eighteen years. In our Parliament the
House of Commons has greater political strength and wider political
action than the House of Lords; but in Congress the Senate counts
for more than the House of Representatives in general opinion.
Money bills must originate in the House of Representatives, but that