of Christian brotherhood. All difficulties surrounding our labor
problems, however, are easy of solution, for while capital and
mechanical industry may be frequently at war for one reason or
another, the outbreaks are merely sporadic and short lived. They are
invariably adjusted, from time to time, either through arbitration or
equitable concessions. Capital and industry are of one color, and the
complications are purely superficial. The one contention, that
"passeth all understanding" and which defies the skill of the
ethnologist, the psychologist, and all who deal with the ancestral or
philosophical aspects of mankind, is the "race-problem."

I say "race problem" advisedly, because sociologists, in analyzing the
issues growing out of the relations between the white American and the
colored American, have eliminated from the discussion all difficulties
surrounding their settlement--save the impossible effacement of race
or color. All have admitted that the bronzed American may have
character, intellect, capacity, wealth, industry and comeliness--yet
he is a social "Pariah" because of his social identification. A
problem that otherwise would be simple is thus converted into a
perpetual issue by reason of race, and hence we have a "race problem."
The race issue is particularly acute at the South--not because the
Southern Negro differs materially from his Northern brother in
character or attainments--but because in the Southern states the Negro
abounds in the greatest numbers, and because upon her fertile soil he
was once held in bondage. As a slave, the Negro came to be regarded as
one whose inferiority must continue from generation to generation. The
Civil War brought freedom in its wake, and one of its results was to
clothe the emancipated servitor with the full vestments of
citizenship. By proclamation and legislation, the ex-slave was made
the political equal of his white master, and if numbers are to be