constitution as essentially antagonistic to the American, not as
its type. I have accepted universal suffrage in principle, and
defended American democracy, which I define to be territorial
democracy, and carefully distinguish from pure individualism on
the one hand, and from pure socialism or humanitarianism on the
other.

I reject the doctrine of State sovereignty, which I held and
defended from 1828 to 1861, but still maintain that the
sovereignty of the American Republic vests in the States, though
in the States collectively, or united, not severally, and thus
escape alike consolidation and disintegration. I find, with Mr.
Madison, our most philosophic statesman, the originality of the
American system in the division of powers between a General
government having sole charge of the foreign and general, and
particular or State governments having, within their respective
territories, sole charge of the particular relations and
interests of the American people; but I do not accept his
concession that this division is of conventional origin, and
maintain that it enters into the original Providential
constitution of the American state, as I have done in my Review
for October, 1863, and January and October, 1864.

I maintain, after Mr. Senator Sumner, one of the most
philosophic and accomplished living American statesmen, that
"State secession is State suicide," but modify the opinion I too
hastily expressed that the political death of a State dissolves
civil society within its territory and abrogates all rights held
under it, and accept the doctrine that the laws in force at the
time of secession remain in force till superseded or abrogated by