taxes might be gathered, when the consent of the people was not
asked or needed; but this were only by conquering abroad, to be
poor at home; and the examples of our neighbours teach us, that
they are not always the happiest subjects, whose kings extend
their dominions farthest. Since therefore we cannot win by an
offensive war, at least, a land war, the model of our government
seems naturally contrived for the defensive part; and the consent
of a people is easily obtained to contribute to that power which
must protect it. Felices nimium, bona si sua norint, Angligenae!
And yet there are not wanting malcontents among us, who,
surfeiting themselves on too much happiness, would persuade the
people that they might be happier by a change. It was indeed the
policy of their old forefather, when himself was fallen from the
station of glory, to seduce mankind into the same rebellion with
him, by telling him he might yet be freer than he was; that is
more free than his nature would allow, or, if I may so say, than
God could make him. We have already all the liberty which
freeborn subjects can enjoy, and all beyond it is but licence.
But if it be liberty of conscience which they pretend, the
moderation of our church is such, that its practice extends not
to the severity of persecution; and its discipline is withal so
easy, that it allows more freedom to dissenters than any of the
sects would allow to it. In the meantime, what right can be
pretended by these men to attempt innovation in church or state?
Who made them the trustees, or to speak a little nearer their own
language, the keepers of the liberty of England? If their call
be extraordinary, let them convince us by working miracles; for
ordinary vocation they can have none, to disturb the government
under which they were born, and which protects them. He who has
often changed his party, and always has made his interest the