like Marsilly. But as to this idea, 'they begin now to mince it at
Court,' and Ruvigny assured du Moulin 'that they had no such
thoughts.' De Lyonne had seen Marsilly and observed that it was a
blunder to seize him. The French Government was nervous, and
Turenne's secretary had been 'pumping' several ambassadors as to
what they thought of Marsilly's capture on foreign territory. One
ambassador replied with spirit that a crusade by all Europe against
France, as of old against the Moslems, would be necessary. Would
Charles, du Moulin asked, own or disown Marsilly?

Montague's position was now awkward. On May 23, his account of the
case was read, at Whitehall, to the Foreign Committee in London.
(See Note II. for the document.) He did not dare to interfere in
Marsilly's behalf, because he did not know whether the man was an
agent of Charles or not. Such are the inconveniences of a secret
royal diplomacy carried on behind the backs of Ministers. Louis XV.
later pursued this method with awkward consequences.* The French
Court, Montague said, was overjoyed at the capture of Marsilly, and
a reward of 100,000 crowns, 'I am told very privately, is set upon
his head.' The French ambassador in England, Colbert, had reported
that Charles had sent Marsilly 'to draw the Swisses into the Triple
League' against France. Montague had tried to reassure Monsieur
(Charles's brother-in-law), but was himself entirely perplexed. As
Monsieur's wife, Charles's sister, was working with Charles for the
secret treaty with Louis, the State and family politics were clearly
in a knot. Meanwhile the Spanish ambassador kept pressing Montague
to interfere in favour of Marsilly. After Montague's puzzled note
had been read to the English Foreign Committee on May 23, Arlington
offered explanations. Marsilly came to England, he said, when
Charles was entering into negotiations for peace with Holland, and