attention to our own interests and a sacred respect for the dignity of
human nature, have given us to understand the true principles which
ought, and which therefore shall, sway our conduct.

You begin with the amiable expressions of humanity, the earnest desire
of tranquillity and peace. A better introduction to Americans could not
be devised. For the sake of the latter, we once laid our liberties at
the feet of your Prince, and even your armies have not eradicated the
former from our bosoms.

You tell us you have powers unprecedented in the annals of your
history. And England, unhappy England, will remember with deep
contrition that these powers have been rendered of no avail by a
conduct unprecedented in the annals of mankind. Had your royal master
condescended to listen to the prayer of millions, he had not thus have
sent you. Had moderation swayed what we were proud to call "mother
country" her full-blown dignity would not have broken down under her.

You tell us that all "parties may draw some degree of consolation, and
even auspicious hope, from recollection." We wish this most sincerely
for the sake of all parties. America, in the moment of subjugation,
would have been consoled by conscious virtue, and her hope was, and is,
in the justice of her cause and the justice of the Almighty. These are
sources of hope and of consolation which neither time nor chance can
alter or take away.

You mention "the mutual benefits and consideration of evils that may
naturally contribute to determine our resolutions." As to the former,
you know too well that we could derive no benefit from a union with
you, nor will I, by deducing the reasons to evince this, put an insult