plans of accommodation concerted in Great Britain, nor with a view to
prolong this destructive war. If you consider that these treaties were
actually concluded before the draft of the bills under which you act
was sent to America, and that much time must necessarily have been
consumed in adjusting compacts of such intricacy and importance, and
further, if you consider the early notification of this treaty by the
Court of France, and the assurance given that America had reserved a
right of admitting even you to a similar treaty, you must be convinced
of the truth of my assertions. The fact is, that when the British
minister perceived that we were treating with the greatest prince in
Europe, he applied himself immediately to counteract the effect of
these negotiations. And this leads me, with infinite regret, to make
some observations which may possibly be by you considered in an
offensive point of view.

It seems to me, gentlemen, there is something (excuse the word)
disingenuous in your procedure. I put the supposition that Congress had
acceded to your propositions, and then I ask two questions:-- Had you full
power from your commission to make these propositions? Possibly you did
not think it worth your while to consider your commission, but we
Americans are apt to compare things together and to reason. The second
question I ask is, What security could you give that the British
Parliament would ratify your compacts? You can give no such security;
and therefore we should, after forfeiting our reputation as a people,
after you had filched from us our good name, and persuaded us to give
to the common enemy of man the precious jewel of our liberties,--after all
this, I say, we should have been at the mercy of a Parliament which, to
say no more of it, has not treated us with too great tenderness. It is
quite needless to add that, even if that Parliament had ratified the
conditions you proposed, still poor America was to lie at the mercy of