not thought safe to let the Sovereign pass from his palace to the
Guildhall of his capital. What part of his kingdom is there in
which His Majesty now needs any other guard than the affection of
his loving subjects? There are, indeed, still malecontents; and
they may be divided into two classes, the friends of corruption
and the sowers of sedition. It is natural that all who directly
profit by abuses, and all who profit by the disaffection which
abuses excite, should be leagued together against a bill which,
by making the government pure, will make the nation loyal. There
is, and always has been, a real alliance between the two extreme
parties in this country. They play into each other's hands.
They live by each other. Neither would have any influence if the
other were taken away. The demagogue would have no audience but
for the indignation excited among the multitude by the insolence
of the enemies of Reform: and the last hope of the enemies of
Reform is in the uneasiness excited among all who have anything
to lose by the ravings of the demagogue. I see, and glad I am to
see, that the nation perfectly understands and justly appreciates
this coalition between those who hate all liberty and those who
hate all order. England has spoken, and spoken out. From her
most opulent seaports, from her manufacturing towns, from her
capital and its gigantic suburbs, from almost every one of her
counties, has gone forth a voice, answering in no doubtful or
faltering accent to that truly royal voice which appealed on the
twenty-second of last April to the sense of the nation.

So clearly, indeed, has the sense of the nation been expressed,
that scarcely any person now ventures to declare himself hostile
to all Reform. We are, it seems, a House of Reformers. Those
very gentlemen who, a few months ago, were vehement against all