elections. The appeal was made to the people; and what was the
result? What sign of a reaction appeared among the Livery of
London? What sign of a reaction did the honourable Baronet who
now represents Okehampton find among the freeholders of Cornwall?
(Sir Richard Vyvyan.) How was it with the large represented
towns? Had Liverpool cooled? or Bristol? or Leicester? or
Coventry? or Nottingham? or Norwich? How was it with the great
seats of manufacturing industry, Yorkshire, and Lancashire, and
Staffordshire, and Warwickshire, and Cheshire? How was it with
the agricultural districts, Northumberland and Cumberland,
Leicestershire and Lincolnshire, Kent and Essex, Oxfordshire,
Hampshire, Somersetshire, Dorsetshire, Devonshire? How was it
with the strongholds of aristocratical influence, Newark, and
Stamford, and Hertford, and St Alban's? Never did any people
display, within the limits prescribed by law, so generous a
fervour, or so steadfast a determination, as that very people
whose apparent languor had just before inspired the enemies of
Reform with a delusive hope.

Such was the end of the reaction of April; and, if that lesson
shall not profit those to whom it was given, such and yet more
signal will be the end of the reaction of September. The two
cases are strictly analogous. In both cases the people were
eager when they believed the bill to be in danger, and quiet when
they believed it to be in security. During the three or four
weeks which followed the promulgation of the Ministerial plan,
all was joy, and gratitude, and vigorous exertion. Everywhere
meetings were held: everywhere resolutions were passed: from
every quarter were sent up petitions to this House, and addresses
to the Throne: and then the nation, having given vent to its