effect of unfaithful stewardship and unskilful legislation. An
opinion favourable to Parliamentary Reform grew up rapidly, and
became strong among the middle classes. But one tie, one strong
tie, still bound those classes to the Tory party. I mean the
Catholic Question. It is impossible to deny that, on that
subject, a large proportion, a majority, I fear, of the middle
class of Englishmen, conscientiously held opinions opposed to
those which I have always entertained, and were disposed to
sacrifice every other consideration to what they regarded as a
religious duty. Thus the Catholic Question hid, so to speak, the
question of Parliamentary Reform. The feeling in favour of
Parliamentary Reform grew, but it grew in the shade. Every man,
I think, must have observed the progress of that feeling in his
own social circle. But few Reform meetings were held, and few
petitions in favour of Reform presented. At length the Catholics
were emancipated; the solitary link of sympathy which attached
the people to the Tories was broken; the cry of "No Popery" could
no longer be opposed to the cry of "Reform." That which, in the
opinion of the two great parties in Parliament, and of a vast
portion of the community, had been the first question, suddenly
disappeared; and the question of Parliamentary Reform took the
first place. Then was put forth all the strength which had been
growing in silence and obscurity. Then it appeared that Reform
had on its side a coalition of interests and opinions
unprecedented in our history, all the liberality and intelligence
which had supported the Catholic claims, and all the clamour
which had opposed them.

This, I believe, is the true history of that public feeling on
the subject of Reform which had been ascribed to causes quite