wasted, their palaces dismantled, their heritage given to
strangers? Because they had no sympathy with the people, no
discernment of the signs of their time; because, in the pride and
narrowness of their hearts, they called those whose warnings
might have saved them theorists and speculators; because they
refused all concession till the time had arrived when no
concession would avail. I have no apprehension that such a fate
awaits the nobles of England. I draw no parallel between our
aristocracy and that of France. Those who represent the peerage
as a class whose power is incompatible with the just influence of
the people in the State, draw that parallel, and not I. They do
all in their power to place the Lords and Commons of England in
that position with respect to each other in which the French
gentry stood with respect to the Third Estate. But I am
convinced that these advisers will not succeed. We see, with
pride and delight, among the friends of the people, the Talbots,
the Cavendishes, the princely house of Howard. Foremost among
those who have entitled themselves, by their exertions in this
House, to the lasting gratitude of their countrymen, we see the
descendants of Marlborough, of Russell, and of Derby. I hope,
and firmly believe, that the Lords will see what their interests
and their honour require. I hope, and firmly believe, that they
will act in such a manner as to entitle themselves to the esteem
and affection of the people. But if not, let not the enemies of
Reform imagine that their reign is straightway to recommence, or
that they have obtained anything more than a short and uneasy
respite. We are bound to respect the constitutional rights of
the Peers; but we are bound also not to forget our own. We, too,
have our privileges; we, too, are an estate of the realm. A
House of Commons strong in the love and confidence of the people,