but one thing before you, but he forms the best judgment in all
moral disquisitions, who has the greatest number and variety of
considerations, in one view before him, and can take them in with
the best possible consideration of the middle results of all.

We of the opposition, who are not friends to the bill, give this
pledge at least of our integrity and sincerity to the people, that
in our situation of systematic opposition to the present ministers,
in which all our hope of rendering it effectual depends upon popular
interest and favour, we will not flatter them by a surrender of our
uninfluenced judgment and opinion; we give a security, that if ever
we should be in another situation, no flattery to any other sort of
power and influence would induce us to act against the true
interests of the people.

All are agreed that parliaments should not be perpetual; the only
question is, what is the most convenient time for their duration?
On which there are three opinions. We are agreed, too, that the
term ought not to be chosen most likely in its operation to spread
corruption, and to augment the already overgrown influence of the
crown. On these principles I mean to debate the question. It is
easy to pretend a zeal for liberty. Those who think themselves not
likely to be encumbered with the performance of their promises,
either from their known inability, or total indifference about the
performance, never fail to entertain the most lofty ideas. They are
certainly the most specious, and they cost them neither reflection
to frame, nor pains to modify, nor management to support. The task
is of another nature to those who mean to promise nothing that it is
not in their intentions, or may possibly be in their power to
perform; to those who are bound and principled no more to delude the