point its tendency to degrade the personal dignity of the Sovereign,
and to expose him to a thousand contradictions and mortifications.
It is but too evident in what manner these projectors of Royal
greatness have fulfilled all their magnificent promises. Without
recapitulating all the circumstances of the reign, every one of
which is more or less a melancholy proof of the truth of what I have
advanced, let us consider the language of the Court but a few years
ago, concerning most of the persons now in the external
Administration: let me ask, whether any enemy to the personal
feelings of the Sovereign, could possibly contrive a keener
instrument of mortification, and degradation of all dignity, than
almost every part and member of the present arrangement? Nor, in
the whole course of our history, has any compliance with the will of
the people ever been known to extort from any Prince a greater
contradiction to all his own declared affections and dislikes, than
that which is now adopted, in direct opposition to every thing the
people approve and desire.

An opinion prevails, that greatness has been more than once advised
to submit to certain condescensions towards individuals, which have
been denied to the entreaties of a nation. For the meanest and most
dependent instrument of this system knows, that there are hours when
its existence may depend upon his adherence to it; and he takes his
advantage accordingly. Indeed it is a law of nature, that whoever
is necessary to what we have made our object, is sure, in some way,
or in some time or other, to become our master. All this however is
submitted to, in order to avoid that monstrous evil of governing in
concurrence with the opinion of the people. For it seems to be laid
down as a maxim, that a King has some sort of interest in giving
uneasiness to his subjects: that all who are pleasing to them, are