As a result of the development of arbitrary rule the lower classes had
great reason to complain of the increase of taxation and of the
difficulties of obtaining justice in the ordinary courts of law. They
were ready to listen to the advice of interested leaders, who urged
them to band together in defence of their rights against the
usurpation of land owners and kings. As a result nearly every country
in Europe found itself involved in a great struggle. The Peasants' War
in Hungary (1514), the revolt against Charles V. in Spain (1520), the
resistance of the Flemish Communes, led by Ghent, to the ordinances of
the Dukes of Burgundy, the discontent of the lower classes in France
with the excessive taxes levied by Louis XI., and the secret
associations which prepared the way for the great uprising of the
lower classes in Germany (1524), were clear indications that
oppression and discontent were not confined to any particular country
in Europe.

With all these political developments the interests of religion and of
the Church were closely connected. Even though it be admitted that in
themselves there is no real opposition between Nationalism and
Catholicism, yet in the circumstances of the time, when national
rivalry was acute, the dependence of the Holy See upon any particular
nation was certain to excite serious jealousy. From that time nations
began to regard the Pope as an ally or an enemy according to the side
he favoured instead of looking to him as a common father, and
consequently the danger of a conflict between national patriotism and
loyalty to the Head of the Church was rendered less improbable. This
feeling was increased by the residence of the Popes at Avignon, when
the Holy See was so completely associated with the interests of
France, and by the policy pursued by Sixtus IV. and his successors in
regard to the Italian States. Nowhere, however, was this opposition to