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History of the Impeachment of Andrew Johnson, President of the United States, by the House of Representatives, and his trial by the Senate for high crimes and misdemeanors in office, 1868 by Edmund G. (Edmund Gibson) Ross
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dispute now as to the best mode of removing it within their own
limits.

Of those who were slaves at the beginning of the rebellion, full
one hundred thousand are now in the United States military
service; about one half of which number actually bear arms in the
ranks; thus giving the double advantage of taking so much labor
from the insurgent cause, and supplying the places which must
otherwise be filled with so many white men. So far as tested, it
is difficult to say they are not as good soldiers as any. No
servile insurrection, or tendency to violence or cruelty, has
marked the measure of emancipation and arming the blacks. Those
measures have been discussed in foreign countries, and
contemporary with such discussion the tone of sentiment there is
much improved. At home the same measures have been fully
discussed, and supported, criticised, and denounced, and the
annual elections following are highly encouraging to those whose
official duty it is to bear the country through this great trial.
Thus we have the new reckoning. The crisis which threatened to
divide the friends of the Union is past.

Looking now to the present, and future, and with reference to a
resumption of national authority within the States wherein that
authority has been suspended, I have thought fit to issue a
Proclamation, a copy of which is herewith transmitted. On
examination of this Proclamation it will appear, as is believed,
that nothing is attempted beyond what is amply justified by the
Constitution. True, the form of an oath is given, but no man is
coerced to take it. The man is only promised a pardon in case he
voluntarily takes the oath. The Constitution authorizes the
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