societies torn by internal factions. All the Continent could not
show such skilful and wary leaders of parties, such dexterous
parliamentary tacticians, such ready and eloquent debaters, as
were assembled at Westminister. But a very different training was
necessary to form a great minister for foreign affairs; and the
Revolution had on a sudden placed England in a situation in which
the services of a great minister for foreign affairs were
indispensable to her.

William was admirably qualified to supply that in which the most
accomplished statesmen of his kingdom were deficient. He had long
been preeminently distinguished as a negotiator. He was the
author and the soul of the European coalition against the French
ascendency. The clue, without which it was perilous to enter the
vast and intricate maze of Continental politics, was in his
hands. His English counsellors, therefore, however able and
active, seldom, during his reign, ventured to meddle with that
part of the public business which he had taken as his peculiar
province.11

The internal government of England could be carried on only by
the advice and agency of English ministers. Those ministers
William selected in such a manner as showed that he was
determined not to proscribe any set of men who were willing to
support his throne. On the day after the crown had been presented
to him in the Banqueting House, the Privy Council was sworn in.
Most of the Councillors were Whigs; but the names of several
eminent Tories appeared in the list.12 The four highest offices
in the state were assigned to four noblemen, the representatives
of four classes of politicians.