their too credulous loyalty. In that season of tumultuous joy
which followed the Restoration, a large revenue for life had been
almost by acclamation granted to Charles the Second. A few months
later there was scarcely a respectable Cavalier in the kingdom
who did not own that the stewards of the nation would have acted
more wisely if they had kept in their hands the means of checking
the abuses which disgraced every department of the government.
James the Second had obtained from his submissive Parliament,
without a dissentient voice, an income sufficient to defray the
ordinary expenses of the state during his life; and, before he
had enjoyed that income half a year, the great majority of those
who had dealt thus liberally with him blamed themselves severely
for their liberality. If experience was to be trusted, a long and
painful experience, there could be no effectual security against
maladministration, unless the Sovereign were under the necessity
of recurring frequently to his Great Council for pecuniary aid.
Almost all honest and enlightened men were therefore agreed in
thinking that a part at least of the supplies ought to be granted
only for short terms. And what time could be fitter for the
introduction of this new practice than the year 1689, the
commencement of a new reign, of a new dynasty, of a new era of
constitutional government? The feeling on this subject was so
strong and general that the dissentient minority gave way. No
formal resolution was passed; but the House proceeded to act on
the supposition that the grants which had been made to James for
life had been annulled by his abdication.38

It was impossible to make a new settlement of the revenue without
inquiry and deliberation. The Exchequer was ordered to furnish
such returns as might enable the House to form estimates of the