future. The most sagacious and experienced politician could not
see with any clearness three months before him. To a man of
virtue and honour, indeed, this mattered little. His uncertainty
as to what the morrow might bring forth might make him anxious,
but could not make him perfidious. Though left in utter darkness
as to what concerned his interests, he had the sure guidance of
his principles. But, unhappily, men of virtue and honour were not
numerous among the courtiers of that age. Whitehall had been,
during thirty years, a seminary of every public and private vice,
and swarmed with lowminded, doubledealing, selfseeking
politicians. These politicians now acted as it was natural that
men profoundly immoral should act at a crisis of which none could
predict the issue. Some of them might have a slight predilection
for William; others a slight predilection for James; but it was
not by any such predilection that the conduct of any of the breed
was guided. If it had seemed certain that William would stand,
they would all have been for William. If it had seemed certain
that James would be restored, they would all have been for James.
But what was to be done when the chances appeared to be almost
exactly balanced? There were honest men of one party who would
have answered, To stand by the true King and the true Church,
and, if necessary, to die for them like Laud. There were honest
men of the other party who would have answered, To stand by the
liberties of England and the Protestant religion, and, if
necessary, to die for them like Sidney. But such consistency was
unintelligible to many of the noble and the powerful. Their
object was to be safe in every event. They therefore openly took
the oath of allegiance to one King, and secretly plighted their
word to the other. They were indefatigable in obtaining
commissions, patents of peerage, pensions, grants of crown land,