Such a man, with a great name in the country and a strong
following in Parliament, might exercise as much influence on the
politics of England, and consequently of Europe, as any minister.
The Ambassador must therefore try to be on good terms with those
who were out as well as with those who were in. To this rule,
however, there was one exception which he must constantly bear in
mind. With nonjurors and persons suspected of plotting against
the existing government he must not appear to have any
connection. They must not be admitted into his house. The English
people evidently wished to be at rest, and had given the best
proof of their pacific disposition by insisting on the reduction
of the army. The sure way to stir up jealousies and animosities
which were just sinking to sleep would be to make the French
embassy the head quarters of the Jacobite party. It would be wise
in Tallard to say and to charge his agents to say, on all fit
occasions, and particularly in societies where members of
Parliament might be present, that the Most Christian King had
never been an enemy of the liberties of England. His Majesty had
indeed hoped that it might be in his power to restore his cousin,
but not without the assent of the nation. In the original draft
of the instructions was a curious paragraph which, on second
thoughts, it was determined to omit. The Ambassador was directed
to take proper opportunities of cautioning the English against a
standing army, as the only thing which could really be fatal to
their laws and liberties. This passage was suppressed, no doubt,
because it occurred to Pomponne and Torcy that, with whatever
approbation the English might listen to such language when
uttered by a demagogue of their own race, they might be very
differently affected by hearing it from a French diplomatist, and
might think that there could not be a better reason for arming,