change my expression, and call it "fatal blow being struck." We see the
charge made not merely against the editor of the Union, but all the
framers of the Lecompton Constitution; and not only so, but the article
was an authoritative article. By whose authority? Is there any question
but he means it was by the authority of the President and his
Cabinet,--the Administration?

Is there any sort of question but he means to make that charge? Then
there are the editors of the Union, the framers of the Lecompton
Constitution, the President of the United States and his Cabinet, and all
the supporters of the Lecompton Constitution, in Congress and out of
Congress, who are all involved in this "fatal blow being struck." I
commend to Judge Douglas's consideration the question of how corrupt a
man's heart must be to make such a charge!

Now, my friends, I have but one branch of the subject, in the little time
I have left, to which to call your attention; and as I shall come to a
close at the end of that branch, it is probable that I shall not occupy
quite all the time allotted to me. Although on these questions I would
like to talk twice as long as I have, I could not enter upon another head
and discuss it properly without running over my time. I ask the attention
of the people here assembled and elsewhere to the course that Judge
Douglas is pursuing every day as bearing upon this question of making
slavery national. Not going back to the records, but taking the speeches
he makes, the speeches he made yesterday and day before, and makes
constantly all over the country, I ask your attention to them. In the
first place, what is necessary to make the institution national? Not war.
There is no danger that the people of Kentucky will shoulder their
muskets, and, with a young nigger stuck on every bayonet, march into
Illinois and force them upon us. There is no danger of our going over