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Writings of Abraham Lincoln, the — Volume 4: the Lincoln-Douglas debates by Abraham Lincoln
page 66 of 108 (61%)
say the least, that extends itself to the existence of the whole nation.
Because we think it wrong, we propose a course of policy that shall deal
with it as a wrong. We deal with it as with any other wrong, in so far as
we can prevent its growing any larger, and so deal with it that in the
run of time there may be some promise of an end to it. We have a due
regard to the actual presence of it amongst us, and the difficulties of
getting rid of it in any satisfactory way, and all the constitutional
obligations thrown about it. I suppose that in reference both to its
actual existence in the nation, and to our constitutional obligations, we
have no right at all to disturb it in the States where it exists, and we
profess that we have no more inclination to disturb it than we have the
right to do it. We go further than that: we don't propose to disturb it
where, in one instance, we think the Constitution would permit us. We
think the Constitution would permit us to disturb it in the District of
Columbia. Still, we do not propose to do that, unless it should be in
terms which I don't suppose the nation is very likely soon to agree
to,--the terms of making the emancipation gradual, and compensating the
unwilling owners. Where we suppose we have the constitutional right, we
restrain ourselves in reference to the actual existence of the
institution and the difficulties thrown about it. We also oppose it as an
evil so far as it seeks to spread itself. We insist on the policy that
shall restrict it to its present limits. We don't suppose that in doing
this we violate anything due to the actual presence of the institution,
or anything due to the constitutional guaranties thrown around it.

We oppose the Dred Scott decision in a certain way, upon which I ought
perhaps to address you a few words. We do not propose that when Dred
Scott has been decided to be a slave by the court, we, as a mob, will
decide him to be free. We do not propose that, when any other one, or one
thousand, shall be decided by that court to be slaves, we will in any
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