the Direct Primary bill, and, had the organization of the Senate been in
the hands of the anti-machine element, the writer firmly believes, would
have continued with the reform forces. At any rate, he was available for
any anti-machine movement that might have been started to organize the
Senate. Hurd, like Burnett, will have his opportunity in 1911. Both
Senators hold over.

[5a] In this instance, the Republican Senators. The Senate minority was
made up of the Democratic Senators, if we make the division on party
lines. But as a matter of fact, when it came to the real business of the
session, the Senate did not divide on party lines. The actual division
was between the machine and the anti-machine Senators. Thus the real
majority consisted of anti-machine Senators, and the minority of the
Senators controlled by the machine.

[6] Hurd's case illustrates this very well.

[7] See chapter nine - Machine defeated in the Senate.

[8] Burnett of San Francisco, voted against Bell on partisan grounds,
and inability to grasp the situation. Estudillo's vote was inconsistent
with the majority which he cast during the session, while Hurd's was
inconsistent with those which he cast up to the time of his vote with
the machine forces against the Stetson bill.

[8a] Up to the session of 1909, the members of the Legislature fixed the
amount of patronage. At the session of 1907, the payroll of the officers
and attaches of the Assembly alone ran up to nearly $10,000 a week, or
more than $1300 a day. But in 1908, the People adopted a constitutional
amendment limiting the amount of patronage, the money to be expended for