secured only by a member voting with the majority. Had Johnson voted
against the bill he could not have secured its reconsideration.

[31] Attention is called to the vote on reconsideration of Assemblyman
Feeley, of Alameda, another Lincoln-Roosevelt member Mr. Feeley was
absent when the vote on Mott's motion was taken. But Mr. Feeley voted
for the bill when it was on final passage, thus keeping his record
straight. But Mr. Feeley hastened to vote for reconsideration of the
measure.

Mr. Feeley, like Mr. Mott, was nominated by the Lincoln-Roosevelt League
because he could be elected. Mr. Feeley furnishes another example of the
folly of which reformers are sometimes guilty, of nominating men whose
best recommendation seems to be that they can be elected. To be elected
is very important, to be sure; but if a man when elected to the
Legislature is to vote against reform policies, why should the
anti-machine element nominate him, thereby losing all the chance they,
might have had of electing a man who would be in sympathy with their
endeavors?

[32] In 1907, a measure similar to the Walker-Otis bill was killed in
this way. It passed the Assembly and was in the Senate referred to the
Senate Committee on Public Morals. The committee refused to report it
back to the Senate, and friends of the measure could not secure enough
votes on the floor of the Senate to compel the committee to act. The
committee (1907) consisted of Senators Irish, Leavitt, Lynch, Wolfe and
Kennedy. Irish and Lynch did not sit in the Senate of 1909, and could
not be reappointed to the committee. But Lieutenant- Governor Porter
distinguished himself by reappointing to the committee Wolfe, Leavitt
and Kennedy. Weed and Savage were added to take the places left vacant